Engnews January 2018

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RFA Breaking News: Released Xinjiang reeducation camp inmate describes his ordeal

by Paul Eckert

Interview: ‘I Lost All Hope of Surviving’ Jan. 30, 2018 - Omurbek Eli, a 41-year-old Kazakh national of mixed Uyghur and Kazakh heritage from northwest China’s Xinjiang region, was arrested by police in Xinjiang’s Hotan (in Chinese, Hetian) prefecture in 2017 while visiting his parents and accused of “terrorist activities.” He was refused legal representation and imprisoned for more than seven months, despite never having been tried by a court of law. Eli was eventually freed with the assistance of the Kazakh government, although he believes his family members in Xinjiang remain under the scrutiny of local authorities. Since April last year, ethnic Uyghurs and Kazakhs accused of harboring “extremist” and “politically incorrect” views have been detained in prisons and political re-education camps throughout Xinjiang, where members of the ethnic groups have long complained of pervasive discrimination, religious repression, and cultural suppression under Chinese rule. Chinese authorities have not publicly acknowledged the existence of re-education camps in Xinjiang, and the number of inmates kept in each facility remains a closely guarded secret, but activists estimate that up to 1 million people have been detained throughout the region. Eli recently spoke with RFA’s Uyghur Service from Almaty, Kazakhstan about his experience while detained by Chinese authorities: RFA: When did you move to Kazakhstan? Eli: Twelve years ago. I became a Kazakh citizen in 2008. Since then I have been traveling back and forth between [Kazakhstan and China] conducting business. I had been traveling to [the Xinjiang capital] Urumqi without any hassle, and I have never supported any [terrorist] organizations or groups. Since 2016, I have been working for a tourism company. In March, I went to Urumqi to attend a conference … and then I went to Guma (Pishan) county to visit my family. The day after I arrived, the police came to the house saying they needed to speak to me … That was on March 26. They took me away without any documentation and imprisoned me without any evidence. I was kept in prison until Nov. 4, despite being a Kazakh citizen. They said I was a suspect. They accused me of instigating terrorism, organizing terror activities, and covering up for terrorists. After arriving at the police station, they said, “There is a warrant for your arrest from the Karamay (Kelemayi) City Public Security Bureau” … even though they had no paperwork. [The police] then handcuffed me, and placed a black hood over my head … I was taken to a hospital [in Guma], where I had blood samples taken and was then given a full body examination, without my hood being removed. I was terrified that they might open me alive to remove my organs for sale. After the procedure was complete, I was taken to a prison, where I had to change into a prison uniform before being placed in a cell among 13 … Uyghurs in shackles. I was kept there in shackles for eight days. On the first day, three men—one Uyghur and two Chinese—came from Karamay to question me. They said, “You assisted people with their visa applications, and took money from them claiming you could obtain passports for them.” On April 3, I was taken to Karamay in handcuff and shackles … to the Jarenbulaq district police station and placed in a basement cell. The following day the police chief came to question me … I was not allowed to sleep for two days while I was continually questioned … [about] people who have left from Karamay to Turkey, Syria, and Europe, [saying I] have been assisting them ... I denied everything they accused me of. Then, on April 17, I was taken to the Karamay City Prison. RFA: During that period, didn’t anyone visit you from the Kazakh Embassy? Eli: Officials from the Kazakh Embassy … came on July 16 or 17—a diplomat from the embassy in Beijing and another diplomat based [in the consulate] in Urumqi … They advised me that the Chinese authorities had no right to torture me or force me to do heavy labor. They said that in prison, if I am ill, the authorities must provide medical treatment and also ensure I receive three meals a day. The worst experience I endured in prison was that from the time I arrived, my ankles were shackled together and one ankle was chained to the bed. I spent every day and night until June 13 eating, sleeping and using the bathroom on the bed, with only an occasional bath. Afterwards, they used a meter of chain attached to my upper arm and ankle to keep me in a crouching position. It was agonizingly uncomfortable, and I had to live in that position until Nov. 4, when I left the prison. In the end, diplomats from the consulate approached the Chinese authorities, saying I should be released into their authority if I was not going to be put on trial. The day the [Kazakh] diplomats visited me in July was the only time I was free of my shackles, for about an hour and a half. When I stood up, I couldn’t even maintain my balance—I staggered like a drunken man. I knew I was innocent, but when I was locked up in prison, I lost all hope of surviving. On Nov. 4, I was asked to sign a document [admitting my guilt] as a condition of my bail. I thought, I must leave this hellhole, even if it is just to make contact with the outside world, and I signed the paper … I was then taken to a political re-education camp, where I remained for 20 days … The place was just like a prison, with guards at the gate. RFA: How many people were sharing one room? Eli: There were 23 in my room … There were cameras installed in the room, so we were under observation all the time. People who were kept there included teenagers, the middle-aged, and the elderly, and they were all from different backgrounds. There were government employees and teachers. I also saw a whole family—father, mother, and child. People who had completed their prison sentences were transferred there for re-education. The government employees were accused of being two-faced [a term applied by the government to Uyghurs who do not willingly follow directives and exhibit signs of “disloyalty], which was the most convenient allegation to use. They were 70-80 percent Uyghur, 20-30 percent Kazakh, and no other ethnic groups represented. According to what I heard, there were more than 1,000 young men in the camp, which was comprised of three different areas, designated A, B, and C. I was in area C, along with approximately 300 other men. Sleeping hours were from 12:00 a.m. to 6:00 a.m. In the morning, all beds had to be made in military style. If one failed to do so, it was considered an ideological failure. We were made to attend a flag-raising ceremony at 7:30 a.m. each day. After that, we would wash and attend breakfast, where we first would have to sing a “red song” [in praise of the Communist Party]. Those who didn’t know the Chinese language well were taught Chinese. Other lessons included party laws and regulations, and red songs. All lessons were taught in Mandarin and there was an exam every week. Also, during lessons, instructors informed you of trials and sentences, and what offenses they were related to. This was to create fear—they used these examples to show people the heavy price they would pay if they did not follow the rules. In between lessons, there were two hours of military training, marching, standing at attention, and following orders. From what I experienced, I now suffer from post-traumatic disorder and can no longer sleep properly. It damages one’s psychology … but the cadres told me that it takes at least one year to complete the re-education program. RFA: What is the food like in the camp? Eli: It was slightly better than the prison. Breakfast is rice gruel, while lunch and dinner include some meat. I think they sent me there because they wanted me to improve before returning. I had lost 40 kilograms (88 pounds) in prison. [In the camp] if you fell ill, you would only receive treatment if you could pay for it … In the beginning they refused to provide me with medication, but I argued that it was their responsibility to provide me with treatment. As my blood pressure was very high, in the end I was given medicine for it. Because there are armed police—some of whom carried wooden batons—if you showed any signs of disobedience they would come immediately and give you a severe beating. Therefore there was no choice but to obey every order. At about 3:00 p.m. on Nov. 24, I heard my name being called and I was told to collect my belongings and get ready to go. I said to my roommates, “I might be taken to prison or freed, but take care of yourselves.” I was collected by a policeman who told me I would be released and returned to Kazakhstan … I was sent to my sister’s house and my family members were all in tears upon seeing me. [The authorities] claim that through re-education they can liberate people’s minds to embrace the party and love the country, to obey all the party rules and regulations. It was very difficult for me to comprehend the fact that just being a Uyghur or Kazakh, you could be forced to undertake such a re-education regime in a prison. Seeing so many innocent people being treated in such a cruel way left me deeply saddened. >From my point of view, the authorities are hoping that re-educating these people will turn them into lambs, but on the contrary, they are planting the seeds of hatred and turning them into enemies. This is not just my view—the majority of the people in the camp feel the same way. Reported and translated by RFA’s Uyghur Service. Edited by Joshua Lipes. View this s tory online at: http://www.rfa.org/english/news/uyghur/kazakh-01302018161655.html Radio Free Asia is a private, nonprofit corporation broadcasting and publishing online news , information, and commentary in nine East Asian languages to listeners who do not have access to full and free news media. RFA ’s broadcasts seek to promote the rights of freedom of opinion and expression, including the freedom to “seek, receive, and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.” RFA is funded by an annual grant from the Broadcasting Board of Governors. If you no longer wish to receive RFA news releases, send an e-mail to engnews-leave(a)rfanews.org . To add your name to our mailing list, send an e-mail to engnews-join(a)rfanews.org . ##### All media inquiries may be sent to Rohit Mahajan at mahajanr(a)rfa.org .

6 years, 8 months

RFA Breaking News: Chinese Authorities Jail Four Wealthiest Uyghurs in Xinjiang’s Kashgar in New Purge

by Paul Eckert

Chinese Authorities Jail Four Wealthiest Uyghurs in Xinjiang’s Kashgar in New Purge Jan. 5, 2017 - Authorities in northwestern China’s Xinjiang region have jailed the four wealthiest ethnic Uyghurs in Kashgar (in Chinese, Kashi) city for acts of “religious extremism,” according to an official, amid a crackdown he said is unlikely to end any time soon. A source, who spoke on condition of anonymity, recently told RFA’s Uyghur Service that Abdujelil Hajim, Gheni Haji, Memet Tursun Haji, and Imin Hajim—all successful business owners in Kashgar—were taken into custody in May 2017. The four men, whose last names signify that they have made the Muslim holy pilgrimage to Mecca, were later sentenced to a total of 42 years in prison, the source said. Chairman of the Kashgar Prefectural Trade Association Abdujelil Hajim—who owns a firm that transports goods between China, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, as well as large tracts of property in Kashgar and Xinjiang’s capital Urumqi—was sentenced to 18 years in prison. Gheni Haji, the owner of the Emin Trading Plaza at Kashgar’s Sunday Market; Memet Tursun Haji, owner of Eziz Diyar Plaza at the same market; and Imin Hajim, owner of the Ibnsina Dental Facility; were each sentenced to eight years in jail, according to the source. The source’s claims were verified earlier this week by Yasinahun, the chief of security for Kashgar’s Chasa township, who confirmed that the four men topped the list of the city’s wealthiest Uyghurs and that they had all been arrested in May, although he was unable to say where they are being held. “Gheni Haji, Imin Hajim, and Memet Tursun Haji had displayed signs of religious extremism, so they were arrested,” he told RFA in a phone interview, adding that their activities were characterized as “abnormal” by authorities. “I was told that Memet Tursun Haji did not hold a funeral when his father passed away. Not holding a funeral is one of the signs of extremism. Gheni and Imin prayed only eight times at prayer service, not 20 as others usually do. That is also a sign of extremism.” Imin Hajim, Yasinahun said, is “a man of few words” who normally kept to himself, but had protested police searches of his home. “He expressed extreme displeasure with our visits to his house related to our security work and said, ‘I am a Chinese citizen, why do you conduct so many searches,’” he said. China regularly conducts “strike hard” campaigns in Xinjiang, including police raids on Uyghur households, restrictions on Islamic practices, and curbs on the culture and language of the Uyghur people, including videos and other material. While Yasinahun did not provide the specific reason for Abdujelil Hajim’s arrest, he said that all four men had also undertaken “unapproved, private hajj” pilgrimages and been involved with imams who were not sanctioned by the state. Re-education camps Since April last year, ethnic Uyghurs accused of harboring “extremist” and “politically incorrect” views have been jailed or detained in political re-education camps throughout Xinjiang, where members of the ethnic group have long complained of pervasive discrimination, religious repression, and cultural suppression under Chinese rule. Yasinahun said he was unsure of how many people are currently being held in re-education camps in Kashgar city, but that “around 2,000 people” were being held from Chasa alone. “Most people are being detained at the Yawagh Street detention facility in Kashgar city,” he said. The security chief also said it was unclear when the campaign of political re-education in Kashgar would end. “At one of the meetings held in the city, one of the Chinese officials said, ‘you can’t uproot all the weeds hidden among the crops in the field one by one—you need to spray chemicals to kill them all,’” he said. “He went on to say, ‘re-educating these people is like spraying chemicals on the crops. That is why it is a general re-education, not limited to a few people.’” “The message I got from this was that the re-education will last a very long time.” Region-wide purge Dolkun Isa, president of the Munich-based World Uyghur Congress exile group, told RFA that China has been “targeting all Uyghurs as potential state enemies” since Xinjiang party chief Chen Quanguo was appointed to his post in August 2016. “Chen has initiated an unprecedented region-wide purge of Uyghur intellectuals, religious figures, businessmen, and any Uyghur who is not pleased with Chinese rule as ‘two-faced’ people,” Isa said. “He has locked up tens of thousands in the political re-education camps, in much the same way that the Nazis did the Jews, soon after coming to power in Germany,” he added. “The international community should closely monitor what the Chinese government is doing in [Xinjiang] and express concern, because the Uyghur homeland is now simply a massive concentration camp.” While China blames some Uyghurs for "terrorist" attacks, experts outside China say Beijing has exaggerated the threat from the Uyghurs and that repressive domestic policies are responsible for an upsurge in violence there that has left hundreds dead since 2009. Reported by Shohret Hoshur for RFA’s Uyghur Service. Translated by Alim Seytoff and Mamatjan Juma. Written in English by Joshua Lipes. View this s tory online at: http://www.rfa.org/english/news/uyghur/wealthiest-01052018144327.html Radio Free Asia is a private, nonprofit corporation broadcasting and publishing online news , information, and commentary in nine East Asian languages to listeners who do not have access to full and free news media. RFA ’s broadcasts seek to promote the rights of freedom of opinion and expression, including the freedom to “seek, receive, and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.” RFA is funded by an annual grant from the Broadcasting Board of Governors. If you no longer wish to receive RFA news releases, send an e-mail to engnews-leave(a)rfanews.org . To add your name to our mailing list, send an e-mail to engnews-join(a)rfanews.org . ##### All media inquiries may be sent to Rohit Mahajan at mahajanr(a)rfa.org .

6 years, 9 months

RFA Breaking News: Uyghur Inmates in Xinjiang’s Korla City Endure Overcrowded Re-Education Camps

by Paul Eckert

Uyghur Inmates in Xinjiang’s Korla City Endure Overcrowded Re-Education Camps Jan. 3, 2018 - Political re-education camp inmates in Korla (in Chinese, Kuerle) city, in northwest China’s Xinjiang region, endure cramped and squalid conditions in facilities where as many as 1,000 detainees are admitted every few days, according to a former official. Since April last year, ethnic Uyghurs accused of harboring “extremist” and “politically incorrect” views have been detained in re-education camps throughout Xinjiang, where members of the ethnic group have long complained of pervasive discrimination, religious repression, and cultural suppression under Chinese rule. Sources recently told RFA’s Uyghur Service that detention centers in Korla, the seat of central Xinjiang’s Bayin’gholin Mongol (Bayinguoleng Menggu) Autonomous Prefecture, are “completely full” and have been turning detainees away because they could not accommodate them. An employee at the central Korla Detention Center did not deny that the facility was overcrowded, but said he was not authorized to speak to people over the phone. The head and deputy chief of the center were unavailable for comment, he added, suggesting that inquiries be directed to the local Public Security Bureau. An official with the Judicial Office in Korla’s Qosheriq township told RFA that while he didn’t have the exact number of inmates held at area re-education camps, “it’s been over a month since I heard that the centers were full,” adding that “people are taken to them, but can’t be admitted.” He referred further inquiries to Korla’s Central Management Office, including questions about whether those who had been turned away were sent back to their home villages. One thousand processed But Naman Bawdun, the former head and Communist Party secretary of Bashawat village, in Korla’s Awat township, said that during the course of a few days last month he had joined around 1,000 people awaiting health checks at the city’s main hospital, ahead of being admitted to re-education camps. According to Bawdun, despite his exemplary work as an official and loyalty to Beijing, his wife was detained on Oct. 9 for allegedly “allowing others to preach religion,” after workers were said to have delivered Islamic sermons at her carpet factory. His daughter was removed from her position in the local police force a week later and Bawdun was held in police custody from Nov. 30 to Dec. 2, before being brought to the hospital to undergo a medical examination as part of the intake process for entering a local re-education camp. “I was taken for a medical examination at the hospital, where I saw around 500 people,” he said. “I witnessed women who fainted, as well as many men over the age of 70—a number of whom were being looked after by their children. They were all there for medical check-ups before being taken to the detention centers.” Bawdun said that at around 7:30 p.m.—more than four hours after arriving at the hospital—he completed his medical exam and was moved to a large hall outside of a re-education camp, where he and others waited to be processed and admitted. “I saw 500-600 people waiting in a hall, many of whom were sleeping on the floor … before being assigned to a place in the re-education camp, one-by-one, after their medical reports had been checked,” he said. “My turn came at 4:00 a.m. … but I was turned away as I had failed my health check. When I went back through the gate to the hall, again I saw people sleeping on the floor everywhere.” When asked whether the people could have included visitors that were waiting to see their detained family members, Bawdun said it was “impossible.” “No one is allowed to visit the center or its detainees, so everyone there was waiting to be imprisoned,” he said. ‘Stop bringing people’ Bawdun said that on the day he was brought to the re-education camp, a friend was also processed and admitted, although contacts from the Bayin’gholin Mongol Autonomous Prefectural Public Security Bureau and the detention center bailed him out three to four days later based on a health condition. While inside, the friend said he had seen officials from the re-education camp tell the police to “stop bringing people … as it is already too full.” He described cells that had previously held eight people now accommodating 14 inmates, who “were not allowed pillows” and “had to lay on their sides because there was not enough room to lay flat,” let alone space to turn over or stretch their legs. Other acquaintances told Bawdun that they had seen “detainees walking barefoot,” and that inmates were “not allowed clothes with buttons or metal zippers,” belts, shoelaces, or “even underwear” in some cases, despite average low temperatures of around 15 degrees Fahrenheit (-10 degrees Celsius) at night in December. Bawdun was unable to confirm how many people are typically admitted to area re-education camps on a daily basis, but said those he saw during his visit consisted of detainees being processed “from Dec. 1-3,” and that the chief of the center he went to had ordered police to stop bringing them on the last of the three days. Weeks later, he said, a police acquaintance had told him that detainees were being processed at the camps again, although he did not specify how many. ‘Like a brother’ The former village chief, who has been a party member since 2009 and was one of only four residents of Xinjiang to have ever received China’s “Ethnic Unity Prize,” said he remains unsure of exactly what he had done to earn a visit to a detention center last month. “When I was the district secretary, my relationship with the Han Chinese was like that of a brother—when I had any celebrations I invited them, and they invited me, and when they leased land of 50 mu (8.2 acres) but extended it another 20 or 30 mu (3.3-5 acres), I turned a blind eye,” Bawdun said. “But now I’m in a terrible situation. I used to be the person who led my cadres house to house, promoting ethnic unity, and educating people on government policies in order to prevent illegal activities. All of a sudden, I’m the person receiving this education, and the working group comes to see me almost daily, taking photographs of me to document their visit.” Since Xinjiang party chief Chen Quanguo was appointed to his post in August 2016, he has initiated several harsh policies targeting religious freedom in the region. China regularly conducts “strike hard” campaigns in Xinjiang, including police raids on Uyghur households, restrictions on Islamic practices, and curbs on the culture and language of the Uyghur people, including videos and other material. While China blames some Uyghurs for "terrorist" attacks, experts outside China say Beijing has exaggerated the threat from the Uyghurs and that repressive domestic policies are responsible for an upsurge in violence there that has left hundreds dead since 2009. Reported by Shohret Hoshur for RFA’s Uyghur Service. Translated by RFA’s Uyghur Service. Written in English by Joshua Lipes. View this s tory online at: http://www.rfa.org/english/news/uyghur/camps-01032018155622.html Radio Free Asia is a private, nonprofit corporation broadcasting and publishing online news , information, and commentary in nine East Asian languages to listeners who do not have access to full and free news media. RFA ’s broadcasts seek to promote the rights of freedom of opinion and expression, including the freedom to “seek, receive, and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.” RFA is funded by an annual grant from the Broadcasting Board of Governors. If you no longer wish to receive RFA news releases, send an e-mail to engnews-leave(a)rfanews.org . To add your name to our mailing list, send an e-mail to engnews-join(a)rfanews.org . ##### All media inquiries may be sent to Rohit Mahajan at mahajanr(a)rfa.org .

6 years, 9 months

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Engnews January 2018